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   Start with the military.  The army is still a central player. But it knows it has limits. In contrast to its management of the post-Mubarak transition, the military started this transition by providing an air of broader legitimacy — obtaining the support (and the presence during the decree) of the Al-Azhar sheikh, the Coptic pope, the head of the Salafi Nour Party and Muhammad ElBaradei, the head of the Dustour Party, as an emissary of a broader coalition of opposition parties and representatives of the Tamrrud coalition.
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   Start with the military.  The army is still a central player. But it knows it has limits. In contrast to its management of the post-Mubarak transition, the military started this transition by providing an air of broader legitimacy — obtaining the support (and the presence during the decree) of the Al-Azhar sheikh, the Coptic pope, the head of the Salafi Nour Party and Muhammad ElBaradei, the head of the Dustour Party, as an emissary of a broader coalition of opposition parties and representatives of the Tamrrud coalition.
 
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 Start with the military.  The army is still a central player. But it knows it has limits. In contrast to its management of the post-Mubarak transition, the military started this transition by providing an air of broader legitimacy — obtaining the support (and the presence during the decree) of the Al-Azhar sheikh, the Coptic pope, the head of the Salafi Nour Party and Muhammad ElBaradei, the head of the Dustour Party, as an emissary of a broader coalition of opposition parties and representatives of the Tamrrud coalition.
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